LECTURE EXTENSION

More on Emotional Recognition (p. 259)

The text points out that infants' emotional expressions are closely tied to their ability to interpret the emotional cues of others. According to Walker-Andrews (1998), emotional recognition is an important asset for infants because it allows them to "read" others' expressions and use that information to guide their behavior. In addition, emotional recognition is a gateway to social referencing in which infants seek emotional information from a familiar individual in an uncertain situation. In a study examining the processes involved in the development of social referencing, Walker-Andrews (1998) observed infant behavior in three situations: peek-a-boo, matching faces and voices, and multimodal presentation.

PEEK-A-BOO
This particular method was used to explore young infants' perceptions of others' facial expressions. Forty 4 1/2-month-old babies were assigned to one of four "emotion change" groups: sad, anger, fear, and consistent happy/surprise. Each infant was presented with three happy/surprise peek-a-boos followed by an "emotion change" peek-a-boo which was dependent upon group assignment. Finally, each trial ended with a happy/surprise peek-a-boo.

Each episode consisted of an experimenter covering her face with a cloth for 3 seconds while calling the infant's name. The experimenter then reappeared for 7 seconds and said "peek-a-boo". The tone and facial expression of the experimenter varied according to the particular trial. The infants' total looking time and facial expression was noted for each trial.

The results of this experiment indicated that infants in the consistent happy/surprise peek-a-boo group gradually increased their total looking time during the first 3 trials, but then decreased their attention in the fourth trial. Similarly, infants in the angry group increased their total looking time, even when typical happy/surprise peek-a-boos followed. The greatest increase in total looking time occurred in the fear group, but subsequently decreased with presentation of typical happy/surprise peek-a-boos. Interest expressions and facial movements, on the other hand, were most pronounced in the sad trials.

MATCHING FACES AND VOICES
In this experiment, infants ranging from 3 to 7 months were shown a videotape of either their mother or a stranger portraying happy and sad facial and vocal expressions. Each infant was shown two facial expressions simultaneously for four 25-second trials. A soundtrack, which matched one of the facial expressions, also played while total looking time was recorded.

Experimenters found that infants generally looked longer at videotapes of their mother when it was sound-specific, rather than when it was silent. In addition, infants looked longer at their mother's happy expression than their sad expression. In contrast, when presented with a stranger's face, infants did not show a preference for sound or expression.

MULTIMODAL PRESENTATION
In the last experiment, sixty 5-month-old infants were assigned to one of four groups: face and voice change, face-only change, voice-only change, and dot-light face, voice only change. In the face and voice group, infants were habituated to a happy or angry facial expression, but the vocal expression did not accompany the appropriate face. Then, two posttests were administered in which both the face and voice were changed. In the face-only change group, infants were presented with a happy or angry facial expression with the appropriate vocal expression. Upon habituation, the facial expression was switched while the original voice remained. Infants in the voice-only change group were habituated in the same manner as the face-only change group, but instead of switching the facial expression, the voice was switched. As a replacement for actual faces, the next group of infants saw a dot-light portrait of a happy or angry facial expression accompanied by its appropriate vocal expression. Following habituation, the vocal expression was switched.

Based on measurements of total looking time, the infants in this experiment looked longer in trials where both face and voice changed, indicating that infants can discriminate changes in face and voice together. Infants were also able to detect changes in vocal expression when presented with dot-light faces.

These three experiments suggest that even young infants are able to discriminate and somewhat recognize facial and vocal expressions in familiar contexts. Infants are also sensitive to subtle changes in vocal expressions when presented with dot-light faces. These findings imply that babies are capable of understanding the affective displays of others and often respond appropriately (social referencing)-their attention increases and facial expressions change accordingly. Because infants are able to "read" their parents' expressions and subsequently use this information to regulate their own behavior, parents should be cautious of their interactions with their babies. Displaying an angry or sad face with a happy voice may cause distress or confusion for the infant. Repeated experiences with mixed signals may even adversely affect the development of social referencing.

Walker-Andrews, A. S. (1998). Emotions and Social Development: Infants' Recognition of Emotions in Others. Pediatrics, 102, 1268-1271.

LEARNING ACTIVITY

Researching Laws Regulating Child Care (p. 278)

As discussed in the text, the quality of care, both at home and in the child-care setting, is important for fostering the emotional security of young children. The quality of American child care is cause for deep concern. Standards are set by the states, and they vary greatly across the nation. In some places, caregivers need no special training in child development, and one adult is permitted to care for as many as 6 to 12 infants at once. Have students research information about licensure or standards of child care in your state (or assign each student a state-most have information about their child-care standards on the Internet). Also, have students research information about recently passed legislation regarding child care; for example, licensure information regarding (a) child-care staff (for example, minimum age for administrator, training in child development requirement, Early Childhood Credential requirement); (b) child-to-caregiver ratios and maximum group size (and whether these vary by age of the child); (c) space and equipment (for example, required square feet indoors and outdoors); (d) curriculum requirements; (e) health and safety requirements (for example, immunizations, nutrition); (f) transportation; (g) child records; (h) discipline (for example, written policy); (i) rating system; and (j) parental rights. With information regarding licensure in hand, discuss with the students the implications of state laws for fostering young children's attachment security.

ab_webmaster@abacon.com
©2001 Allyn & Bacon